The United States was constituted as a compound republic, not a unitary national democracy. Sovereign states created the Union and retained independent existence and residual powers; the Electoral College is the device that registers this fact. Each state, acting as a political community, chooses electors, and the presidency is conferred by a majority of those electors. A national popular vote treats the states as mere administrative subdivisions for the tallying of individual ballots. It discards the federal principle while leaving intact every other institution that depends upon it.

That is the incoherence. Under a pure national majority the concentrated populations of a handful of metropolitan corridors would permanently outweigh the interests of smaller states. Yet those same states would continue to exercise the full range of sovereign authority—taxation, education, criminal justice, regulation of internal commerce. The executive would be chosen as though the country were a single undifferentiated mass of citizens, while Congress, the courts, and the states themselves would still operate according to a federal logic that has been repudiated. The result is not a consistent constitutional order but a selective dismantling of the original bargain.

Those who favor a national popular vote therefore face a clear choice. Either they accept that the states must be extinguished as independent political entities, or they abandon the demand. Intermediate governments claiming residual sovereignty become obstacles once sovereignty is redefined as residing solely in the aggregate of individual voters. Short of that admission, the proposal remains a partisan adjustment that alters the method of selecting the president without accepting the corresponding necessity of abolishing the state governments the Electoral College was designed to protect. The Constitution’s architecture is not a menu from which convenient pieces may be removed.

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