In his recent sit-down with Ross Douthat on 60 Minutes, President Trump did not flinch when the conversation turned from midterm losses and the Iran campaign to the question of forgiveness before the judgment throne of God. Asked whether he could love and absolve the figures who had spent years pursuing him through lawfare, impeachment, and media calumny, he answered plainly: “I do hate some of my enemies and I always will.” The admission was not a slip; it was a refusal to perform the therapeutic piety the modern political class demands of its targets. Trump has endured assassination attempts, two impeachments, multiple criminal prosecutions, and a permanent cloud of invented scandals. His hostility is the natural and justified response of a man who has watched the institutions of the American regime bent, systematically, against him and against the ordinary citizens who placed him in office.
That same hostility is what keeps him in the fight. The deformed left—those who treat the historic nation as an obstacle to be dismantled rather than a people to be governed—has never offered a truce. Every policy success, every border secured, every judicial appointment, has been met with fresh inventions of tyranny. Trump’s refusal to grant them the moral satisfaction of his own self-abasement is precisely what prevents the contest from ending on their terms. Michael Anton once described the Flight 93 election as a moment when the alternative to decisive action was ruin; the intervening years have only sharpened the choice. Without the sustaining energy of justified enmity, the administrative and media apparatus that has treated half the country as illegitimate would have already completed its work of quiet replacement. Trump’s willingness to name his enemies as enemies keeps the possibility of resistance alive.
In doing so he has become, almost against the grain of contemporary manners, a champion of ordinary American decency. The left’s project has long required that its opponents accept their own moral inferiority as the price of participation. Trump will not pay it. By insisting that loyalty to the country outranks forgiveness of those who have sought to subvert it, he restores a older hierarchy of duties: first the nation, then the individual conscience, and only then the therapeutic demands of the permanent opposition. The result is not cruelty but clarity. In an age when elite institutions have redefined patriotism as a vice and vindictiveness as a virtue, Trump’s frank hatred of those who would dissolve the American way is itself an act of preservation.
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